Children join an Italian peacekeeper to paint a message in hope for the southern Lebanese town of Naqura during International Day of Peace
(Image Source: Source: Mahmoud Zayyat/AFP via Getty Images)
By Carolyn Adkins
This Op-Ed examines the challenges facing the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda on the 25th anniversary of UNSCR 1325, arguing that democratic backsliding and the withdrawal of funding by key nations, including the U.S., China, and Russia, necessitate transferring the WPS framework from the UN Security Council to the General Assembly through a binding WPS Treaty.
October 31, 2025 marks the 25th anniversary of United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 1325, which focuses on Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) principles. It emphasizes four pillars—prevention, protection, relief, and recovery—urging countries to implement a WPS agenda through National Action Plans (NAPs) to support women and girls. However, WPS faces significant challenges due to democratic backsliding. The main threat comes from national governments, including three permanent members of the UN Security Council that initially voted in favor of UNSCR 1325: China, Russia, and the United States.i Russia’s all-out invasion of Ukraine in 2022 heightened many states’ concern for shifting toward hard power needs instead of human security agendas. As a result, UNSCR 1325, along with its WPS principles, must be reshaped and transferred from the Security Council (SC) to the General Assembly (GA) to create meaningful recognition and application in the international community.
Individual countries allocate their funds for WPS NAPs; however, many nations have largely shifted toward budgetary investments in military firepower and away from WPS programming.ii On April 22nd, 2025, the U.S. Office of Global Women’s Issues at the State Department was eliminated.iii This was a vital office that worked to advance WPS by addressing gender-based violence globally, from conflict-related sexual violence in Ukraine to online harassment and forced marriage; enhancing women’s economic security through support for entrepreneurs, legal reforms, and investments in girls’ education. Additionally, the office implemented the WPS Act of 2017 to promote women’s participation in peace processes and train U.S. personnel on the effectiveness of inclusive security approaches.iv In a March 2025 survey of 411 women’s rights organizations around the world, UN Womenv
The collapse of funding and national support for WPS initiatives coincides with a consistent need for programming empowering women and girls globally. In 2025, the Georgetown Institute for WPS (GIWPS) released results from a global survey of nearly 3,000 women peacebuilders in 121 countries. Regarding domestic and professional opportunities, 62% of women see themselves as able to create change in their households, and 51% in their workplaces; however, 21% percent report no ability to create change in their national government.vi 43% identify long-term funding as an urgent need to accomplish their peace and security goals; 40% also report a decrease in funding for their work over the past two years.vii Migrant, refugee, and displaced women are more than twice as likely as women who are not in these groups to perceive more risks associated with their peace and security work.viii As such, the commitment to WPS funding and support from the international community is imperative for empowering women to navigate and overcome challenges in their peace and security efforts.
WPS was not always anathema to the Trump Administration. Trump signed the WPS Act into law in 2017 during his first term. However, in Trump’s second term, Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth announced on social media that he proudly ended the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) program inside the Department of Defense.ix Hegseth tweeted: “WPS is yet another woke, divisive/social justice/Biden initiative that overburdens our commanders and troops — distracting from our core task: WAR-FIGHTING.”x Hegseth’s prioritization of war and violence over WPS ironically highlights the environments in which women and girls are most vulnerable: conflict-affected states. A study of 58 conflict-affected states between 1980 and 2003 found that when 35% of the legislature is female, the risk of conflict relapse is nearly zero.xi Women represent half of the world’s population, which means that leaving them out of peace processes and national government can create a misrepresentation and leave states at a disadvantage.
Reforming UNSCR is essential to combat democratic backsliding and promote change for women and girls internationally. Scholars Michael Brown and Chantal de Jonge Oudraat suggest establishing a UN WPS Treaty in the GA instead of keeping UNSCR 1325 in the SC. China, Russia, and the United States all have vetoes over Council resolutions, and none of these powers currently support the WPS agenda. These limitations pose challenges to the legitimacy of UNSCR 1325. The GA is comprised of all UN member states, whereas the SC is a small, xiirepresentative body. The GA is also the main deliberative and policymaking organ of the United Nations.xiii
A WPS Treaty would connect the WPS agenda to foundational international legal instruments such as the UN Charter, the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW), and the 1995 Beijing Declaration and Platform for Action.xiv The treaty could introduce quotas for UN-led or UN-supported peace processes and introduce mechanisms for the involvement of civil society actors.xv A WPS Treaty could also create mobilization among WPS grassroots organizations and civil society actors. The GA is the United Nations’ most vital organ, making it an opportune forum to introduce a WPS Treaty.
It is essential that the treaty provides detailed guidance for implementation of the agreement at national and international levels. It should include commitments to adopt, report on, fund, and implement WPS NAPs.xvi For example, the treaty should include the establishment of and commitments to fund a WPS secretariat and monitoring organization. Ideally, the WPS Treaty would not allow for national “reservations” or opt-outs with respect to select treaty provisions,: UN member-states should be all-in or all-out.xvii It is vital to establish a WPS Treaty that holds legitimacy in upholding a commitment to WPS.
In summary, the WPS agenda faces significant challenges 25 years after UNSCR 1325. Despite its potential to enhance global peace and security, the shift towards militarization by key nations undermines its implementation. The decline in funding for WPS initiatives and the closure of many affiliated NGOs highlight the need for renewed commitment and resources. A WPS Treaty developed under the UN GA could offer a more inclusive and binding framework for member states, ensuring accountability and prioritizing the rights of women and marginalized groups. Ultimately, the international community must reaffirm its commitment to WPS, recognizing that empowering women is both a moral obligation and a strategic necessity for lasting global peace and security.
Works Cited:
Brown, Michael E., and Chantal de Jonge Oudraat. The WPS Agenda Beyond 2025, Women in International Security, Nov. 2025, wiisglobal.org/wp-content/uploads/WIIS-Policy-Brief_WPS-Treaty_November-2025.pdf.
Demeritt, J., Nichols, A., & Kelly, E. (2014). Female Participation and Civil War Relapse. Civil Wars, 16 (3), 362. https://doi.org/10.1080/13698249.2014.966427
GIWPS. “Women, Peace and Security Survey.” Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, 12 Nov. 2025, giwps.georgetown.edu/resource/women-peace-and-security-survey/.
Kit, Khrystyna. “Why the WPS Agenda Is Critical to Ensuring Sustainable, Just Peace in Ukraine .” New Lines Institute, 9 Feb. 2026, newlinesinstitute.org/gender-peace-security/why-the-wps-agenda-is-critical-to-ensuring-sustainable-just-peace-in-ukraine/.
Verveer, Melanne, and Hart, Kim. “The Pentagon’s Making a Serious Mistake, and America’s Security Will Be Impacted.” Georgetown Institute for Women, Peace and Security, 7 May 2025, giwps.georgetown.edu/2025/05/07/the-pentagons-making-a-serious-mistake-and-americas-security-will-be-impacted/.
UN Women. At a Breaking Point: The Impact of Foreign Aid Cuts on Women’s Organizations in Humanitarian Crises Worldwide | Publications | UN Women – Headquarters, www.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2025/05/at-a-breaking-point-the-impact-of-foreign-aid-cuts-on-womens-organizations-in-humanitarian-crises-worldwide. Accessed 8 Dec. 2025
Wein, R. (2025, December 5). The Office of Global Women’s Issues is gone. America is less safe because of it. More to Her Story. https://www.moretoherstory.com/stories/the-office-of-global-womens-issues-is-gone-america-is-less-safe-because-of-it
ABOUT THE AUTHOR(S)
Carolyn Adkins
Carolyn Adkins is a graduate student at the School of International Service studying
International Affairs Policy and Analysis. She is interested in bridging the gap between national and human security through a gender security lens, using Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) frameworks.
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